Let Andile Mngxitama speak his mind

MEDIA RELEASE BY PRETORIA PEN, RE ANDILE MNGXITAMA’S COMMENTS ON MAIL & GUARDIAN COLUMNIST JARED SACKS

PRETORIA PEN supports freedom of speech and expression and therefore sees nothing wrong with Andile Mngxitama’s castigation of Jared Sacks, including a threat to beat him up.

The following is the problematic phrase from Mngxitama’s Facebook page which has triggered the current polemic in the media: “I believe if there are any real bikoists out there, whenever we see that white little bastard called jared sacks we must beat the shit out of him.”

This phrase must be seen in context. First of all, Mngxitama is known for his polemical and sometimes controversial statements. He writes a column in the Mail & Guardian and has written regularly for City Press and The Sowetan, putting forward so-called “black consciousness” views. Many editors, organisers of conferences and so on, solicit Mngxitama’s views, knowing that he sometimes comes across as a “radical”.

On the issue of violence, Jared Sacks – against whom Mngxitama is reacting – is not entirely a pacifist either. In his opinion piece published in the Mail & Guardian, he states: “Would the Biko of 1977 have voted for Ramphele in 2013? Not a chance. Biko did not believe in black messiahs or managers in a neocolonial capitalist system. Quite the opposite: he genuinely believed in the black masses and in their ability to lead the revolution and collectively build a wholly new society. The mineworkers, shack-dwellers and farmworkers of this country stand diametrically opposed to everything Ramphele believes in.”

Indirectly, Sacks is also calling for violence in the form of a revolution against the “neocolonial capitalist system” led by the “black masses”. In fact, he is advocating nothing less than some kind of Maoist revolt in the style of the “Cultural Revolution”.

Mngxitama astutely reminds him that he is, in fact, not a member of the black masses. Neither may he, as a white, arrogate unto himself the function of privileged interpreter or exegete of Steve Biko’s black consciousness philosophy.

Within the context, “beating the shit out of him” could also be a metaphor, meaning: “defeating his pseudo-black posturing in an argument about what Steve Biko really said”.

Verashni Pillay, deputy editor of the Mail & Guardian online, admits that “it almost sounds like an invitation to a jolly bout of fisticuffs”, as opposed to Jared Sacks’s rather more sinister clarion call for revolution which, within a multiethnic society like South Africa’s, might spiral into mass violence and even genocide.

Until such time as Andile Mngxitama really assaults Jared Sacks, which is criminally punishable in South Africa, he should be allowed to speak his mind, also on radio where he is apparently being denied the opportunity to respond to his critics.

Issued by: Dr. Dan Roodt, President

PRETORIA PEN is a literary society.

Contact: president@pretoriapen.co.za

South Africa’s chains of the mind (media release)

MEDIA RELEASE BY PRETORIA PEN, FOLLOWING ON WRITER RIANA SCHEEPERS’S PUBLIC COMMENTS

South Africa’s chains of the mind

Since 1989 violence in South Africa has almost constantly increased to a level where the country today resembles a war zone. In fact, civilian casualty rates in South Africa are higher than in Afghanistan and many other countries officially at war.

Authors and literary critics too, have not been spared. Pieter Pieterse, Lisbé Smuts-Smith and Louw Rabie, brother of Jan Rabie, were brutally murdered. Last year novelist and script writer Chris Barnard was held hostage and tortured. A week ago the elderly parents of Riana Scheepers were attacked and almost killed, leading her to remark in the Johannesburg daily Beeld: “The country is in a state of moral decay.”

South Africa is the country with the highest incidence of rape in the world, even higher than in war-torn countries. However, after describing an interracial gang rape in his novel Disgrace, Nobel prize winner J.M. Coetzee was accused of racism and many think that criticism by former President Thabo Mbeki contributed to his decision to emigrate to Australia, a safe haven for many South Africans fleeing local violence.

If anything, South Africa today represents a dystopia that in any other country would have led to at least some literary or philosophical reflection. As evidenced by Riana Scheepers’s guilt-ridden protestations that “my mother and father are not two racists living in a white tower” (as if racists deserve the death penalty), authors are petrified of even referring to the factual reality, let alone venturing into the minefield of describing sadistic practices and ethnic torture in books.

Whereas political correctness in other countries may be the subject of jokes and satire, in South Africa it has almost become a religious dogma. Just two weeks ago, the seasoned and respected Afrikaans poet Breyten Breytenbach who spent eight years in prison for plotting the overthrow of the previous (white) government, remarked: “Political correctness all over the world is a disease, multiculturalism is worse than the Black Death of the Middle Ages!”

In a national living out of the Stockholm syndrome, journalists and even ordinary people on Facebook are quick to castigate and vilify anyone who dares to ascribe moral responsibility to the mostly young, Clockwork-Orange-like perpetrators, who are usually seen as the unfortunate victims of poverty and broken homes. Those intrepid novelists, such as Gustav Venter, who have tried to render explicit some of the underlying fears, neuroses and paradoxes around violence that proliferate in our bizarre ex-British colony, have not even been reviewed. They find themselves in a twilight, underground world of electronic samizdat, unseen by critics and pundits.

Breytenbach’s comments on political correctness and multiculturalism, although echoing those of Chancellor Angela Merkel a few years ago, probably also represent a bridge too far. It is quite possible that he will be “uninvited” from the Woordfees and other festivals where authors are censored or even banned from the premises for broaching taboo topics around murder, rape and torture.

South Africa is repeating the totalitarian mental structures of many twentieth-century societies, especially in Eastern Europe. In imagining itself as an ideal society, a multicultural democracy after the American model, it is refusing to acknowledge its own, increasingly dark side. It punishes or censors those who dare to speak out or depict in their works the often innocent victims of social, criminal and political violence.

Whereas the gulag of Solzhenitsyn was physical and – although hidden – visible enough to be eventually exposed in broad daylight, our chains are those of the mind. In the kind of “Western masochism” described by French “new philosopher” and novelist Pascal Bruckner, we engage in endless self-flagellation and guilty rituals, instead of being open to the new and often ugly reality we see all around us.

Not only the violence and dehumanisation, but also the venality, the ostentation and spendthrift ways of the South African elite, are phenomena betraying the amoral values of our society.

Who will dare to portray South Africa’s agony and decadence, at the risk of the cliché: publish and be damned?

Issued by: Dr. Dan Roodt, President

PRETORIA PEN is a literary society.

Contact: president@pretoriapen.co.za

Pretoria PEN and the new occult censorship

by Dan Roodt

I belong to a writer’s organisation called Pretoria PEN which has been affiliated for the past six years to PEN International, a world-wide network of authors and journalists. Some of the people who have been presidents of PEN chapters or “centres” as they are called, have been famous writers such as Günter Grass, Václav Havel, Salman Rushdie and others.

However, since October last year I have been embroiled in an increasingly ugly procedural and quasi-political wrangle with a group of Cape authors who have hijacked Pretoria PEN. Yes, I know, lots of people in South Africa get hijacked all the time, usually facing an AK-47-wielding hijacker demanding their motor vehicle. Many also get killed or wounded in the process. Sometimes the hijackers kill their victims just for sport.

So immediately, as is our wont, I can hear a chorus of voices piping in: “Regard yourself as lucky. You are still alive!” That’s normally what people say to a hijack victim who has merely lost his car or pick-up truck. Or to a rape victim. Present-day South Africa is, after all, famous for all the wrong things, being the so-called “rape capital” of the world. We are also way up there with Colombia and a few others in the murder stakes. If only our rugby and cricket teams could maintain the same consistent standards as our murderers, we would have won the last few rugby matches against the All Blacks of New Zealand.

The three Cape authors who hijacked or tried to hijack our literary society are Fanie Olivier, John Miles and Piet Haasbroek. Strictly speaking, Olivier is a poet and not from the Cape either, as he commutes between Poznań and Durban. Poznań, as you probably know, is a Polish city. In one of my favourite short French novels by Jean-Philippe Toussaint, La salle de bain, there are some Polish painters who disturb the main character while he he has taken up residence in the bathroom, reading books and listening to football matches broadcast over the radio.

I was not disturbed by any Polish painter, a rare species in South Africa, but by a Polish email informing me that these three gentlemen were demanding the keys, figuratively speaking, to our little societal Volkswagen. We held meetings, amended our constitution and invited any dissident members to make their voices or their votes heard, to enter into debate and reasonable discussion, to no avail.

After Poznań, the action moved to Stellenbosch where on 7 March 2012 Olivier delivered a speech where he, inter alia, denounced organ music. Now, it may interest you that one of the aftereffects of apartheid or Afrikaner rule in South Africa is that the whole country is littered with organs, especially German ones, being of good quality. Many postgrads in music have written theses about the church organs of small towns. Of course, many of those small towns now bear different names and some of them are awash in sewage as the new town councils are more interested in buying Mercedes-Benzes than in maintaining their water purification systems. Visiting such run-down water purification plants has become a form of tourism among some local activists, one of them being Mr. Jaap Kelder of the National Taxpayers’ Association.

But I digress. The point of Olivier’s denuncation of organ music was that it had some connotation with Christianity. One of the sins committed by Pretoria PEN was that we had actually contracted one of those postgrads, an organist from the University of Pretoria’s music school, to come and give a recital to us after our AGM in January, boycotted by Olivier and his friends. And that was not only a faux pas, but also decidedly politically incorrect. In fact, during Olivier’s rambling little speech in Stellenbosch, the mere mention of the organ elicited howls of ridicule and guffaws of contempt.

Perhaps some background is needed. Fanie Olivier, the poet laureate of a place called Durban-Westville, has spent most of his life teaching literature at segregated universities, situated in the notorious Bantustans or “homelands” of apartheid. His father, a powerful figure and high-ranking member of a secret Afrikaner society known as the Broederbond (the Society of Brothers), was the first principal of the Indians-only University of Durban-Westville, so it is quite understandable that the heir to the throne, young Fanie, was also appointed there where he debuted with the anthology, Gom uit die sipres (Glue from the cypress).

Later he was a professor of Afrikaans at the University of Venda, in the former homeland known as the Republic of Venda. I am unaware that he ever took up Venda citizenship, although he may have learnt the language. For those who know little about South Africa, the Limpopo province, where the majority of Vendas live, in the former Republic of Venda, is where most ritual murders take place. A few hundred people get killed every year, to make medicine from body parts. Children too. Of course, this is never put on our tourist brochures and few people dare to write about it, except some bored court reporters who may happen to stumble upon such a case being heard. Usually, such reports are anodyne, with the race and ethnicity of murderer and victim carefully omitted and published towards the bottom of the inner pages of newspapers where only the very curious ever venture.

The thing about ritual murders is that they entail a belief in the occult. Some hijackers also buy muti, or medicine, from so-called sangomas or witch doctors, before setting out on the day’s business, pistol or assault rifle in hand. But “occult”, for those who know Latin, also has another meaning: “that which is concealed or difficult to detect”. Now, I am not of the school that looks for “influences” in an author’s work, but perhaps Fanie Olivier did to some extent acculturate during his many years at the University of Venda.

He has an uncanny belief in the powers of obfuscation, the ruse, making simple things abstruse, even claiming that our society, Pretoria PEN, “ceased to exist long ago”, as if he were waving Harry Potter’s magic wand or throwing the bones in a dark hut in Venda while declaiming some powerful incantation that will change a man into a croccodile or cause someone to drop dead hundreds of kilometres away.

I know vampires are fashionable too. Or the girl with the dragon tattoo. But the next scene in Fast Fanie’s racy tale (a previous cricket player here had the nickname, “Vinnige Fanie”) shifts to South Korea where, during the annual congress of PEN International, he presents himself as not only the President of Pretoria PEN, having hijacked us by remote control, magically, as it were, by email from Poland, but also its chief name-changer. Now, it so happens that name changes are another touchy topic in South Africa. One day you may be driving down a street, and the next the name may be changed to that of some Party stalwart or some arcane figure from a non-existent past, such as the mythical Chief Tshwane who, legend has it, founded a lost city, more or less in the same place as present-day Pretoria and therefore deserves to be eponymously honoured.

In the book South Africa’s Brave New World, R.W. Johnson ascribes a lot of the current South African obsessions with gambling, palaces and lost cities to the influence of entrepreneur Sol Kerzner who built a series of such casino palaces and follies, replete with artificial waterfalls and lakes, even beaches, in another Bantustan, the Republic of Bophutatswana. Johnson states somewhere that SA has now become “one big Bantustan”. Not far from where I live, there is a Renaissance Tuscan village with a casino and shops inside and artifical stars twinkling on the ceiling. Very African, you might say.

In a Bantustan, by knowing the right people and oiling the right palms, you could become a millionaire, and go off to Las Vegas or the Bahamas and repeat the trick there. Just look at Sol Kerzner. Vinnige Fanie is a man of ambition who knows his way around any Bantustan, especially the Grand Bantustan that Johnson refers to. He is also a lawyer, an advocate at the Durban bar, so able to ensnare hapless authors in his byzantine legalistic strategems.

But let’s stick to our plot and get back to the city of Gyeongju in South Korea. This is also historical, for it must be the first name change in history that was decreed in a completely different country, in the Far East, where dragons and not kitsch concrete elephants usually adorn the palaces. Poor old Pretoria, poor old Kruger whose statue still stands – for the time being at least – on Church Square, Pretoria. There he gets polluted by pigeon droppings and some pieces of his bronze get hacked off, nay hijacked by entrepreneurial individuals,  who sell them to scrap metal dealers. And Church Street was found to be such an offensive name that it was changed to… what? I will have to look it up on Google, one moment…

This is all very confusing. Church Street in Pretoria was so offensively long, being one of the first streets laid out in the city, that its name had to be changed to four other names: Helen Joseph, WF Nkomo, Stanza Bopape and Elias Motswaledi.

The only name that I recognise among those ones, is that of Helen Joseph, who happened to be a communist and not some legendary chief of the city lost in the mists of time, out of Rider Haggard or Edgar Rice Burroughs.

There is such a thing as Cape Communism. Or the Stellenbosch school of Marxism, which is why the university there is sometimes referred to as Stalinbosch. It is also a place where authors get banned if they do not say the right things, like I was banned from appearing on campus in 2005 during the Woordfees festival but finally managed to participate in a panel discussion only because I had armed bodyguards protecting me from being attacked by rabid Red Guards who regarded me as a bad influence on the public. In fact, I have it on good authority that some zealots are pressing for my books to be removed from the library of the University of Stellenbosch for being sexist or racist or both.

One of the people who accused me of “sexism” was André Brink who writes barely disguised autobiographical novels boasting about the number of his female conquests and in his latest novel, Philida, makes liberal use of the ethnic slur, “kaffir”, for which people in South Africa normally get dragged before the Equality Court and fined or even imprisoned. See the logic there? I don’t.

But back to Gyeongju where Pretoria PEN became the latest casualty of the ANC government’s name change policy, no doubt because it was seen as an “offensive” name, as offensive as the capital’s name or Paul Kruger’s name whose statue is being slowly devoured by the clients of scrap metal dealers. According to Fanie Olivier, delivering his rambling speech in Stellenbosch, “Pretoria PEN” was a “random” name. (He used the Afrikaans word “lukraak”, which more or less means random.)

One month after the meeting in Gyeongju, shortly after asking for Fanie Olivier’s address as it seems that this little exercise, plagiarised from the writings of Franz Kafka, will now go to court, I receive a laconic email from PEN International stating the following:

“We are writing to inform you that on 14 September 2012 the PEN International Assembly of Delegates at the 78th PEN Congress in Gyeongju, Korea voted to change the Pretoria PEN Centre’s name to PEN Afrikaans.
Following this decision, Pretoria PEN no longer exists as a Centre of PEN International.”

How curious. So our legally constituted literary society, founded in the real city of Pretoria, not some fictional realm of the imagination or the ANC government’s commissars, may be vaporised without even consulting us. No right of appeal, nothing.

Talking of commissars, is it any coincidence that the South African Minister of Higher Education also happens to be the leader of the Communist Party, that old blade runner, known as Blade Nzimande? Logically, those academics down at the University of Stellenbosch where the new “cloned” but rebranded Pretoria PEN is ostensibly headquartered, have to kow-tow to their minister who has wide powers to appoint and dissolve university councils. So now we understand a bit better how so many intellectual champions of apartheid and the Bible have now converted to another Book and find organ music execrable.

However, if literature is becoming more and more state-controlled in our de facto one-party state (65% of the population and 90% of black people vote for the ANC and its SACP alliance partner), there are also the corporate powers to consider. Often the big corporations and government work closely together, especially when contracts are awarded. It is generally accepted that the “New South Africa” is one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Not for nothing have we coined the term “tenderpreneur” to describe people doing business with the state.

Add to this mix the National Intelligence Agency whose white, Afrikaner members are apparently so desperate to keep their jobs amid rampant affirmative action that they will do anything to ensnare their own people in acts of high treason, conspiracy and sex scandals. Facebook and the commentary sections of South African web pages are apparently rife with NIA trolls who sow dissension, ridicule and slander. Public figures seen to be “dissidents” or “outspoken” are regularly vilified.

Quite a few members of Pretoria PEN, such as myself and singer/writer Steve Hofmeyr, have been subjected to whole campaigns, also in the media. Several people regularly posted a satirical poem that I had written as a 20-year old everywhere he could and also sent it to thousands of people by email, completely disregarding any copyright I may hold over the poem. One such person was apparently an English-speaking member of a far-right group who considered me to be a danger to society for having written such scabrous satirical poetry in my young days.

Is it pure coincidence that while Fanie Olivier is waging his behind-the-scenes email campaign against Pretoria PEN, there should be another group of trolls on Wikipedia publishing half-truths and distortions about me? When I enquire about their identity, I get promptly banned from Wikipedia! The anonymous literary critics on Wikipedia have also ascertained that I suffer from mental retardation, being insufferably stupid, and that all my books put together contain “nothing of any merit”. At least these Wiki-writers, even if faceless, are not ambiguous.

Part of Fanie Olivier and his henchmen’s approach was to “leak information” to friends, journalists at the Cape Town daily Die Burger and other Naspers publications who would then try to stigmatise me and others. Naspers tabloid Sondag went so far as to draw a completely spurious association between me and a supposed adult-dating site, suggesting that I was a pornographer. Naturally I complained to the Press Ombudsman of South Africa, who ordered the newspaper to publish an apology on its front page. The newspaper lodged one appeal after the other, but each time the original decision was upheld. In a final desperate attempt to stall the apology, the newspaper is suing the Press Ombudsman, a historical first in South Africa.

The journalist from Die Burger who had published Fanie Olivier’s “leak” was also ordered by the Ombudsman to publish an apology to me and Pretoria PEN at the beginning of 2012. That was before Naspers got around to the idea that it could bully the Ombud through lengthy court cases.

Only a few months ago, as president of Pretoria PEN, I testified before the Media Commission about press freedom in South Africa and mechanisms for keeping the Naspers group, which has a total monopoly in Afrikaans media, under control without curtailing freedom of the press.

I strongly suspect that the takeover attempt by Fanie Olivier, John Miles and Piet Haasbroek is being financed by some Naspers entity, such as one of their book-publishing concerns down in Cape Town. An unnamed “sponsor” paid for three people to fly to Gyeongju. At the very least, the name of this sponsor should be revealed, for the sake of transparency.

In the meantime, the Naspers propaganda machine is destroying authors’ or performers’ reputations, almost at will. This is the new censorship in South Africa which, in deference to Fanie Olivier and his fellow travellers, I would call “occult censorship”. It is vague, but no less insidious and effective.

In the old days we had the staid Judge Lammie Snyman and his fellow censors who saw it as their prerogative to protect us from communist or terrorist propaganda and obscenity. They were easy to deal with and almost counter-productive. They made heroes out of people like André Brink or Nadine Gordimer whose books were banned for a few short months or slightly longer before they were unbanned on appeal. Today, we are caught between Scylla and Charybdis, the state that wants to control everything according to the East German model, and the Naspers media monopoly that prides itself on being able to make or break anyone’s reputation. If you had deep pockets, you could take them on in the courts, or otherwise through the Ombudsman. As I have found out, even the Ombudsman will only give you a Pyrrhic victory as Naspers sees itself not bound by any adverse decision from the so-called “self-regulatory body”.

When the Naspers Sunday paper Rapport published the infamous interview with another Pretoria PEN member, Annelie Botes, on 21 November 2010 I immediately saw all the hallmarks of another character assassination. Preying on Annelie’s honesty and concern about crime and violence in South Africa, they focussed on one sentence where she spoke of her inner fears as a member of an ethnic and racial minority. The context was completely disregarded and she was immediately calumnied as xenophobic, even racist.

Annelie Botes is probably the most popular literary author in South Africa. Locally, she far outsells André Brink, Nadine Gordimer, J.M. Coetzee or any of the big names in South African literary fiction. She addresses difficult and courageous themes, such as autism, incest and child abuse in her works. The public loves her for it.

However, as a result of the Rapport interview, the K. Sello Duiker award was taken away from her and just yesterday she confessed on Facebook that her latest manuscript had been rejected by her publisher. In this way, another talented and widely-read author is being silenced.

I see on the CV of Annelie Botes that she also has a teaching licentiate in classical music – the piano – and was at one time a church organist. As a result, she will never be acceptable to any PEN Centre down in Cape Town, least of all one that meets on the campus of Stellenbosch University, with Philistine Fanie as its president.

Let’s make the organ our new resistance symbol, I feel! And the pen, of course, which may just be mightier than the hijacker’s AK-47, even in this country where violence and revolution have been romanticized for so long.

I receive quite a bit of fan mail, despite being banned in Stellenbosch. The other day I got a note from a young hacker who offered to hack the ebooks of all my literary enemies and upload them to the Swedish Pirate Bay and similar websites. That way no one would have to buy their books ever again; they and their publishers would make losses. I declined his offer, being something of a victim of piracy or “hacked” and dismembered works myself.

However, I thought to myself afterwards, have things become so desperate that such extreme measures, sabotaging or pirating the books of others, should be considered? Indeed, there is a sense of “living on the edge” in South Africa. We are locked into a struggle for survival, and in some respects our whole world is caving in around us. Whether it is the Marikana mining massacre or just another everyday xenophobic killing of an immigrant from another African country, or a farm murder, we are living in an “age of iron”, to borrow a phrase from J.M. Coetzee. The latter preferred emigration to Australia.

The theme of fear that Annelie Botes broached in her interview is becoming more and more palpable. Another colleague and Pretoria PEN member, Gustav Venter, has just published his novel Die amigdala van Alrina Smal in which a woman goes almost insane with fear after a sexual assault. Will it even be reviewed by the printed press, I wonder? It also deviates from the post-card multicultural paradise that everybody sees in South Africa and for that reason might fall victim to the new occult censorship.

Effectively, Annelie Botes, Steve Hofmeyr, Gustav Venter, Fransi Phillips and all the other innovative and courageous authors depicting our contemporary reality in their works, together with me, have been excluded from PEN International without due process or any right of appeal. The censors of Stellenbosch and the media monopoly have spoken.

Yet we do need to organise ourselves to confront our imminent exclusion from the literary community, in South Africa and abroad. Already Fanie Olivier is making legal threats to us if we continue to exercise that right as we have been doing since 2004. He claims to have the support of the London management of PEN International.

But we have the right to associate with one another, as well as the right to communicate with other authors and NGOs all over the world. Let no one intimidate us into surrendering that right, nor into giving up the fight for free speech in South Africa.

‘n Zombie van die Nuwe Suid-Afrika

deur Dan Roodt

Ek het so pas Fransi Phillips se roman, Net ‘n lewe, wat verlede jaar die eerste prys in Lapa se romankompetisie gewen het, op een slag klaar gelees. Op die eerste bladsy word die hoofkarakter in ‘n “relatief ordentlike moord” vermoor:

“Dit was ‘n relatief ordentlike moord, gemeet aan Suid-Afrikaanse standaarde. Haar lang, skraal vingers, wat vir my haar beste bate was, is nie afgesny nie en haar gesig is nie vermink nie. Net drie skoon skote deur haar hart.”

Die res van die boek bestaan uit ‘n vertroulike dagboek – die Franse het ‘n mooi woord daarvoor, ‘n journal intime – wat sy gehou het, asook enkele inleidende opmerkings deur haar vriendin, Heleen. In haar testament het sy die dagboek “om een of ander duister rede” aan Heleen, wat reeds in Australië woon, bemaak.

In die kort gedeelte oor “Die erflating”, vertel Heleen:

“Die laaste keer toe ek haar uit Australië gebel het, het sy my vertel dat sy nou net so bang is vir die polisie as die kriminele, omdat ‘n mens nie meer tussen die twee groepe kan onderskei nie. ‘Die polisie verhuur deesdae hulle uniforms aan die kriminele,’ het sy geskreeu van die lag.

My humorsin was nie heeltemal robuust genoeg om dit te akkomodeer nie. ‘Jy moet wegkom,’ het ek geroep. ‘Wat doen jy nog in daardie land?’

‘My lewe is net ‘n lewe,’ het sy gesug.

‘Die lewe is die kosbaarste ding wat bestaan!’

Sy was skielik somber. ‘En ook die nietigste.'”

Só, sommer met die intrapslag, plaas Phillips ons vierkant in die eksistensieel-politieke vraagstuk van die Nuwe Suid-Afrika: om te emigreer, of om te oorleef in een van die gewelddadigste lande op aarde waar anargie op soveel gebiede reeds heers.

Telkens in die boek verwys die reeds ontslape vertelster na haar “dooie taal, Afrikaans” waarin sy teen wil en dank aanhou skryf. Phillips se toon is voortdurend ironies, aweregs, plek-plek selfs kru.

Die blote feit dat hierdie teks met sy gestroopte styl en ontnugterde blik op ons land ‘n romanprys in die huidige Suid-Afrika kon wen, spreek vir my al boekdele, by wyse van spreke. Baie lank is die Afrikaanse letterkunde, ook vanweë die kulturele manipulasie van die Nasperskoerante, deur figure soos Antjie Krog en André P. Brink oorheers wat uit wit skuld en die stereotipering van hul eie mense vir ‘n buitelandse of Engelse gehoor kuns probeer maak het. Nou kom Phillips en toon aan ons ‘n wêreld soortgelyk aan dié wat ons elke dag beleef, waarin menselewens deur geweld verwoes word of waar witmense nie meer geredelik werk kan kry nie.

Om Net ‘n lewe as “polities onkorrek” te beskryf, laat egter nie reg geskied aan die veelkantigheid van Phillips se perspektief op ons tragedie nie. Want die tragedie van die “relatief ordentlike moord” wat die heldin se lewe kortknip, is ook metafoor vir ons almal se lewens wat op soveel maniere deur ‘n onhoudbare maatskaplike toestand geraak word.

Wat die boek verder interessant maak, is hoe ons die onlangse geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika en van die Afrikaner deur die oë van die vermoorde ervaar. Sy is ‘n skryfster wat huweliksprobleme opdoen, teen haar man se wil in die filosofie en Afrikaanse letterkunde belangstel, asook uiteindelik sukkel om werk te kry. Sekere politieke of geskiedkundige gebeure word hier en daar aangestip. Daar is egter ook ‘n sterk elment van outobiografie, met die vermenging van feit en fiksie. Bekende Afrikaanse skrywers en digters, asook politici en akademici, maak op verskeie plekke in die roman ‘n buiging.

Deur hierdie persoonlike geskiedenis, wat plek-plek ‘n lydingsweg word, word die treurige verhaal van die Afrikaner se afgang ook vertel. Dit betrek veral die verhouding tussen skrywers of kunstenaars en die volk, daardie verhouding wat sedert die sestigerjare en die rusie tussen Verwoerd en Van Wyk Louw oor Die pluimsaad waai ver so problematies geword het. Tydens haar studentedae by Tukkies is die heldin deel van ‘n linkse avant-garde-groep. Op bladsy 97 verwoord sy die naïwiteit van die destydse jeug en haar geloof in die mag van kreatiwiteit:

“Party mense dink seker dis cute wanneer ek my volk uitkak in die liberale kampuskoerant. Maar die enigste ding waarin ek regtig glo, is kreatiwiteit. As die ANC aan bewind kom, sal ek vir hulle my staatsfilosofie-taak stuur oor die grondwet wat gebaseer is op kreatiewe vryheid. Ja sure, hulle sal dit dadelik implementeer en dan is die land se probleme opgelos.”

In hierdie sardoniese paragraaf beskryf Phillips eintlik die onnoselheid en wêreldvreemdheid van ‘n hele geslag Afrikaanse skrywers, ons geslag, wat wou “oulik” wees en in die proses as bruikbare idiote tot die magsoorname van hierdie eienaardige, argaïese en kwasikommunistiese bewind bygedra het. Ook in ander passasies kan ons Net ‘n lewe lees as ‘n vorm van literêre en ideologiese selfkritiek.

En dit is iets wat vir my gesond en nódig is. Ek weet nie wie dit gesê het nie, maar ‘n klein kultuur kan nie bekostig om verdeeld te wees nie. Groot lande en nasies kan binne hul grondgebied revolusies of langdurige verdeeldheid tussen Katoliek en Protestant, Links en Regs, oorleef. Maar soos ons onlangse geskiedenis aangetoon het, lei verdeeldheid in eie geledere tussen skrywers en politici, of die versplintering in wedywerende partye en organisasies op die duur tot ‘n soort selfvolksmoord waarvan ons vandag vele van die meer makabere manifestasies beleef.

Iewers beskryf die hoofkarakter haarself insgelyks as “‘n kleptomaniese spook” wat poog om haar lewe van ander kant die graf “terug te steel”. Sy is met ander woorde ‘n soort lewende dooie, ‘n zombie – daardie populêre term vanuit die Negertoorkuns van die eiland Haïti – wat boonop in ‘n “dooie taal”, Afrikaans, skryf.

Maar soos Lazarus uit die dode opgestaan het en soos Afrikaans in die negentiende eeu begin herleef het nadat selfs die NG Kerk volkome verengels is, wéét ons dat Phillips se slagoffer van ‘n “ordentlike moord”, ten minste op skrif, nie heeltemal dood is nie, want sy spook steeds op ‘n skerpsinnige en indringende wyse by ons. Sy is (was) ‘n Afrikanervrou uit die tussenin-wêreld vóór die revolusie, daardie “interregnum” waarvan die Italiaanse kommunis Gramsci gepraat het en wat Nadine Gordimer in haar gewone bewondering vir alles wat Marxisties is as motto by haar novelle July’s People aangehaal het:

“The old is dying and the new cannot be be born; in this interregnum there arises a great diversity of morbid symptoms.”

Maar die heldin van Net ‘n lewe sweer by die God van Kreatiwiteit, iets wat telkens in die boek herhaal word. Uiteindelik, dink ek, wil Phillips vir ons sê dat die skeppingsdaad en selfs letterkunde die potensiaal van bevryding inhou.

In Suid-Afrika is “bevryding” reeds ‘n geykte en verdagte woord, veral besmet deur sy gebruik deur die ANC en SAKP as ‘n “bevrydingsbeweging”. Hoewel Phillips ‘n onthutsende blik op ons sosiopolitieke werklikheid bied, sou ek nie haar boek as “betrokke literatuur” wou beskryf nie, omdat daardie begrip ewe seer besmet is deur sy betekenis van “in ‘n verhouding tot die party te staan”. Soos soveel kommunistiese skrywers van die twintigste eeu wat hul naam en hul kuns aan ‘n politieke party, veral die Kommunistiese Party, vasgeketting het, het ‘n hele geslag plaaslike skrywers hulself as werktuie vir die ANC aangebied. Tot my stomme verbasing het André P. Brink nog onlangs in die Londense Financial Times sy matelose bewondering vir Oliver Tambo as iemand met “morele krag en filosofiese diepte” bely.

Sonder die ANC sou André P. Brink – of Nadine Gordimer en soveel ander – nie oor ‘n identiteit beskik het nie. Fransi Phillips staan in haar nogal postmoderne taalgebruik en lewensbeskouing ver verwyder van die tradisionele Afrikaanse letterkunde van, sê maar, die Dertigers. Tog sluit haar wonderlike vars boek met sy ironiese ontluistering van ‘n hele klomp van Mandela se heilige koeie al bulkend doer uit Qunu aan by die totale voorafgaande tradisie, as ‘n uitdrukking van ‘n bepaalde, inheemse Afrikaneridentiteit. Om Afrikaner te wees, is nie net om Die Stem te sing of om braaivleis, rugby en ander dinge te geniet nie, maar ook om soos die protagonis van Net ‘n lewe verknog te wees aan Marc Chagall of Paul Klee, of om klassieke musiek, kunsgeskiedenis of Westerse filosofie te waardeer.

By al die identiteitsvernietigende hoon wat daar vanuit die Kaapse enklawe en sy magtige media vandag teenoor die Afrikaner uitgegiet word, bespeur ‘n mens tog die herstel, die heling wat ‘n boek soos Net ‘n lewe bied. Dis sekerlik gebroke, elegies en geskied in ‘n mineurtoon. Dis kamermusiek – teenoor die bombasme, die Triomf (die Stellenbosser Marlene van Niekerk se links-fascistiese werk) wat soos rap-musiek vanuit ‘n uitspattige motor in een van ons vervalle middestede dawer.

Ons lewens – en ons kuns – is so nietig in ‘n filistynse land wat om twee ander K’s draai: korrupsie en konsumpsie. Nietemin is die uitsig wat Fransi Philips vir ons bied op ‘n nuwe soort letterkunde, anderkant wit skuld en politieke clichés, so opwindend dat ‘n mens nie anders kan as om te dink dat boeke en woorde dalk tog, soos Van Wyk Louw se “beiteltjie”, klippe en rotse en lande en selfs die aardbol middeldeur kan kloof nie.

Ons lewens – en ons kuns – is so nietig in ‘n filistynse land wat om twee ander K’s draai: korrupsie en konsumpsie. Nietemin is die uitsig wat Fransi Philips vir ons bied op ‘n nuwe soort letterkunde, anderkant wit skuld en politieke clichés, so opwindend dat ‘n mens nie anders kan as om te dink dat boeke en woorde dalk tog, soos Van Wyk Louw se “beiteltjie”, klippe en rotse en lande en selfs die aardbol middeldeur kan kloof nie.

Fransi Philips. Net ‘n lewe. Lapa-uitgewers, Pretoria, 2011. ISBN 978-0-7993-5160-6. Prys: R170.

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Гидра 2021 официальный сайт: hydra onion ссылка | hydra onion обход блокировки
гидра сайт 2021 официальный | гидра зеркало: hydra ссылка
гидра 2021 ссылка: hydra onion | hydraum7vqtajfz5.onion

Гидра – один из самых крупных даркмаркетов, широкая платформа, дающая возможность любому посетителю реальность покупать неразрешенный товар либо воспользоваться услугой, найти которую в открытом доступе почти нереально. На интернет-портале находится огромное число online магазинов. Надо детальнее выучить, что представляет собой площадка и для чего необходим пользователям Гидры интернет-браузер Tor.

Обзор на Гидру

Гидра сайт – это большая платформа, на необъятных просторах которой всякий подыщет для себя нужную вещь либо услугу, о которой прежде мечтал. Реализацией изделий заняты специальные торговые центры, действующие круглые сутки и с завидной постоянностью обновляющие и так объемистый ассортимент. Особо можно заметить, что интернет-проект предоставляет услуги транспортировки купленного продукта.

Оформление заявки не требует большое количество времени. В общем доступе расположены рецензии заказчиков, уже пользовавшихся работой конкретного магазина. В связи с этим возможный заказчик сможет предварительно прочитать их и выяснить о качестве продукции, тонкостях сотрудничества с продавцом.

Особенность hydrabuiwftrzuqy.onion сайта – наличие службы секретных клиентов. Политика, какую они проводят, помогает увеличить уверенность клиентов. Оказывается скрытые клиенты покупают разные товары и делают их тест, в том числе и химический. Если товар не подходит конкретным условиям, значит продавец, у которого был куплен товар, заблокируются системой, а его товар пропадает с онлайн прилавков.

Транспортировка заказа производится в режиме закладки. Кладмен приезжает по обозначенному заказчиком местоположению и прячет предмет торговли, после чего посылает его координаты. Оплату покупатель имеет право осуществить только лишь когда станет взят товар, и конечно выполнена оценка его качества. При появлении проблем с качественными характеристиками или транспортировкой заказчик сможет открыть спор.

Главная валюта Гидры – биткоин. Превосходством подобной валюты является анонимность электронных активов, в связи с чем все организуемые на ресурсе операции с денежными средствами защищены. Определенные он-лайн магазины готовы взять в оплату QIWI-рубли.

Наши советы начинающим покупателям

Чтобы в ходе приобретений не появилось никаких затруднений, потребителю нужно принять к сведению ряд рекомендаций:

  1. Перед покупкой важно смотреть отзывы о приобретаемой услуге либо изделии. Это поможет заранее выяснить о качественных характеристиках продукции, спецификах магазина, нюансах доставки. Рецензии располагаются в общем доступе.
  2. Плату предпочтительнее производить после того как приняли заказ. Только в этом случае у клиента окажется способность вернуть средства при обнаружении плохого качества продукта.
  3. В том случае, если покупателю пришлась по нраву услуга или он выдал оценку изделию, надо написать отзыв. Это обязательно поможет прочим клиентами Гидры сделать правильный выбор.

Модераторы платформы также рекомендуют использовать ранее нигде не задействованные логины и пароли во время регистрирования своего аккаунта.

Tor – браузер для Гидры

Особый браузер Tor позволит гостям портала беспрепятственно войти на официальный интернет-сайт, предоставляя ссылку на гидра сайт. Достоинством платформы стало присутствие принципа «луковичной маршрутизации», именно благодаря какой вход Гидры, а также совершение каких-то операций на площадке будет оставаться анонимным и безопасным для обеих сторон.

Для того, чтобы установить Тор, потребуется:

  1. Перейти на сайт.
  2. Закачать архив.
  3. Открыть в архиве файл с расширением exe.
  4. Выбрать папку и язык установки.
  5. Дожидаться окончания операции.

После чего останется только запустить браузер и ввести в поисковую строку подходящий запрос. По основной ссылке на Гидру и можно попасть на официальный сайт даркмаркета. Абоненту надо будет перейти на нее, для того, чтобы приступить к покупкам.

Каким способом завести учётку на Гидре?

Для того, чтобы пребывать на сайте официально и проплачивать изделия и сервисы портала, клиенту Гидры нужно создать личный аккаунт. Для этой цели ему потребуется:

  1. Перейти в раздел регистрации на сервисе Гидра.
  2. Выдумать логин и пароль задуманного аккаунта. Модераторы вебсайта рекомендуют применить ранее нигде не задействованные сведения.
  3. Подтвердить пароль, введя его еще раз.
  4. Засвидетельствовать прохождение регистрации.

После завершения вышеуказанного клиенту откроется вход в личный кабинет, где у него есть возможность иметь сведения о состоянии заявки, проплачивать товары либо устанавливать связь с дирекцией проекта.

Баланс на Гидре – каким образом пополнить?

Для проплаты закупок нужно будет дополнить счет собственного кошелька. Чтобы это осуществить, нужно сначала купить особый фиат, потом за него приобрести биткоин – главную валюту системы. Потом останется только лишь перебросить биткоин в кошель, и станет возможно покупать товары или сервисы.

Приобрести фиат можно работая в режиме online на специальном ресурсе или в ближнем месте обмена. Доскональную информацию по вопросу, как покупать валюту, а также в каком месте это делают, можно получить, сделав мониторинг обмена криптовалют.

Когда фиат обменяете на необходимое число биткоинов, понадобится выполнить перечисление криптовалюты в игру. Сделать это можно двумя вариантами:

  1. Используя цифровую денежную систему, в частности, QIWI. Для того, чтобы произвести перевод, нужно скопировать номер электронного кошелька и определить величину перевода. Остальное система проделает самостоятельно.
  2. Используя пункт обмена на Гидре. Требуется указать кошелек, где располагаются биткоины и подтвердить выполнение действия.

Фактически, технология перевода биткоина не представляет из себя ничего сложного.

Как отыскать доступную ссылку на гидру?

Поскольку Гидра выполняет свою деятельность нелегально, торгуя нелегальными веществами и предлагая запрещенные сервисы, отыскать ее быстро не удастся. Выполнить это сможете с применением интернет-браузера Tor. Дополнительно создатели портала настоятельно рекомендуют сохранить официальную страничку даркмаркета в закладки браузера, чтобы было можно всегда зайти на измененный доменный интернет-адрес ссылку на hydra зеркало. Изменение адреса объясняется тем, что главный портал частенько блокируют.

 

 

© 2021 – Официальный Гидра сайт likehydra.site

Настоящая ссылка на гидру онион hydrabuiwftrzuqy.onion.
Как упоминалось, для работы гидра сайта необходимо использовать браузер Тор. Но кроме того, нужно зайти на правильный сайт, не попав на мошенников, которых достаточно много. Потому, бонусом от нас, у вас будет ссылка на гидра сайт. Таким образом вы обеспечите для себя защиту. Но несмотря на это, не полную, потому мы также рекомендуем использовать дополнительные программы для VPN, Прокси и другие способы.